Browse by Series/Collection

This paper explores how Hindu and Buddhist people living in Pune's slums understand, relate to and challenge the world in which they live. Specifically, it explores the beliefs and values that shape visions of the future towards which people strive. The research was prompted by a desire to assess ho...
[ more ]

This paper explores how Hindu and Buddhist people living in Pune's slums understand, relate to and challenge the world in which they live. Specifically, it explores the beliefs and values that shape visions of the future towards which people strive. The research was prompted by a desire to assess how appropriate western development discourses are in the different religious contexts of developing countries. It aimed to examine how religious values and beliefs are reflected in the teachings imparted by local religious leaders and interpreted by their adherents, with particular reference to key concepts that underlies ideas about 'development', such as inequality, poverty and social justice. This research focused on the daily struggles of Pune's poor and the role played in these by religious values, beliefs and practices. It explored whether poor people in Pune talk about their society and their visions of the future in terms of the development concerns of mainstream development agencies, such as wellbeing, poverty and inequality, especially gender inequality. It also explored the attitudes of Pune's poor to some of the tools commonly promoted to achieve a more prosperous and equitable society, for example, gender equality and higher standards of education.

Within South Asia, Bangladesh has apparently been most successful in implementing state administered madrasa modernization: 30 per cent of secondary students in Bangladesh are in Aliya (reformed) madrasas. Given the current emphasis on madrasa reform programmes by many donor agencies, this study att...
[ more ]

Within South Asia, Bangladesh has apparently been most successful in implementing state administered madrasa modernization: 30 per cent of secondary students in Bangladesh are in Aliya (reformed) madrasas. Given the current emphasis on madrasa reform programmes by many donor agencies, this study attempts to understand the nature of madrasa reforms in Bangladesh and to identify factors that led to acceptance of the programme within the religious establishment. The study argues that Aliya madrasas have indeed been able to combine secular subjects with religious education. On the other hand, while some present day Aliya madrasas might have converted from the traditional Qomi madrasas, as argued by some authors, these state reformed madrasas have failed to displace the Qomi madrasas’ control over the Bangladeshi religious establishment. It is the Qomi madrasa students that are being trained to fill religious positions in Bangladeshi mosques. Aliya madrasa students, on the other hand, are being trained to compete for jobs teaching the children enrolled in the secular schools. The control over religious authority and public interpretation of Islam remains in the hands of the ulema of the Qomi madrasas. Therefore, the study argues that it is misguided to see the Bangladeshi madrasa reform programme as a model for a more liberal interpretation of Islam, which is the focus of current reform efforts. Rather it is a very good model for making madrasas an effective tool for promoting education in conservative societies, where there is a clear demand for combining secular education with a strong religious input. Also, it argues that good financial incentives alone do not explain the rise of Aliya madrasas. The spread of the Aliya madrasa is embedded in a complex interaction between Islam and the Bengali language movement, in pre- and post- liberation (1971) politics, and in the support for the Aliya tradition within an influential segment of the Bangladeshi religious establishment, that is Jamiat-i-Islami. The paper thus argues that in studying madrasa reform programmes, it is important to be clear about the objectives of the reform. Modern interpretations of Islam within madrasas cannot be achieved simply through the introduction of secular subjects. They are only possible if the leadership of Qomi madrasas is successfully convinced of the need for a modern reinterpretation of religious texts and is supported in that process.

In Nigeria, case studies of three NGOs and four FBOs (two Christian and two Muslim) in two Local Government Areas (LGAs) in Kano State (largely Muslim) and one LGA in Lagos State (religious mixed) sought to identify whether and in what circumstances FBOs have distinctive characteristics with respect...
[ more ]

In Nigeria, case studies of three NGOs and four FBOs (two Christian and two Muslim) in two Local Government Areas (LGAs) in Kano State (largely Muslim) and one LGA in Lagos State (religious mixed) sought to identify whether and in what circumstances FBOs have distinctive characteristics with respect to their goals, values, organizational characteristics and activities related to the achievement of development objectives. All the organizations studied are well-established, with good reputations, and are engaged in HIV/AIDS-related work (one of the main areas of development work for which funding is currently available and in which differences between secular and religious organizations might be expected. However, the study did not find any significant differences in the development-related aims, values and activities of organizations self-identified as FBOs or NGOs.

Thought the current Madrasa Reform Programme launched by the government of Pakistan in 2002 has faced resistance from the ulema, being viewed as the USA's brainchild, the fact is that Pakistani state's aspiration to reform Islam is much older. The state's agenda to reform madrasas, and through that ...
[ more ]

Thought the current Madrasa Reform Programme launched by the government of Pakistan in 2002 has faced resistance from the ulema, being viewed as the USA's brainchild, the fact is that Pakistani state's aspiration to reform Islam is much older. The state's agenda to reform madrasas, and through that the conservative interpretation of Islam within Pakistan, goes back to the 1960s. From the start the government has pursued a similar objective: to introduce modern subjects to the madrasa curriculum so that the student's 'integrate into the mainstream economy and society'. The fate of the various efforts has been the same: madrasas have successfully resisted state pressure to change their curriculum; even the current madrasa reform programme has managed to enroll less than 200 of the 16,000 registered madrasas. This study highlights two main reasons for the madrasas' ability to resist state-led reform: one, weak political will due to close links between political legitimacy and Islam; two, strong madrasa leadership resulting from an alliance between senior ulema and a strong base of domestic patronage. The paper reveals that the involvement of bigger madrasas is critical to reform because it gives legitimacy to the reform programme, which in turn makes it more acceptable to smaller madrasas. The paper therefore argues that winning the trust of the senior ulema and making them active partners in developing a reformed curriculum is the only way to develop a reform programme that will have broad-based acceptance among the madrasas. This requires a major shift in the mindset of the government and the donor agencies supporting the madrasa reform programme. Rather than starting their planning from how to secularize the madrasa, they need to accept the madrasas' primary role as a producer of Islamic knowledge, and then explore how modern interpretations of the religious texts can be included within madrasa education, rather than exclusively focusing on adding modern subjects to the madrasa curriculum.

Lacking in much of the current research on religion and corruption is a sense that there may be alternative ways that people view corruption, which in their minds may be moral, and that if we are to truly develop an understanding of how religion influences people’s attitudes and behaviour towards co...
[ more ]

Lacking in much of the current research on religion and corruption is a sense that there may be alternative ways that people view corruption, which in their minds may be moral, and that if we are to truly develop an understanding of how religion influences people’s attitudes and behaviour towards corruption, we must start from a critical and interpretive perspective at the individual level of analysis. This paper argues that the methodologies used in many current studies are not adequate to study what is ultimately an individual decision, and one that is at least in part informed by a person’s own ethical and moral standpoint. As such, starting research with the mindset that particular types of activities are corrupt, and thus ‘wrong’, may prevent researchers from uncovering why people develop particular attitudes to corruption, or why they choose to behave in a way labelled by some as corrupt. If corruption research is to explore some of these issues at the individual, as well as the regional and national levels, it is important to learn from existing work that examines how attitudes are formed, both on religion and the impact that religion has on attitudes to moral issues and on moral reasoning. A number of studies, few of which deal specifically with corruption, are reviewed in order to establish useful ways forward for corruption researchers. Research on religion and attitudes towards deviant behaviour shows that individuals’ interpretation of messages on moral behaviour is significant in determining their acceptance or rejection of deviancy. However, there is little evidence to suggest that the religious reject behaviour that is ‘anti-social’ any more than the non-religious. Indeed, there is little evidence to suggest that religion, in terms of religious content, impacts upon individuals’ attitudes to public morality. Membership of a religious community that rejects behaviour seen as being ‘corrupt’ seems more likely to have an impact, but a lot depends upon whether members of the community are encouraged to use religious principles to think through moral issues, or to interpret religious teachings literally.

This study concerns Shia-Sunni conflict and the postconflict restoration of peace in Pakistan. It sets case studies of two 'contested cities' -Jhang and Gilgit- within a wider national and international framework, examining the historical roots of sectarian conflict, the trajectory and nature of the...
[ more ]

This study concerns Shia-Sunni conflict and the postconflict restoration of peace in Pakistan. It sets case studies of two 'contested cities' -Jhang and Gilgit- within a wider national and international framework, examining the historical roots of sectarian conflict, the trajectory and nature of the violence, and the restoration of relative calm. It draws on existing analyses of sectarian conflict in Pakistan and case studies in the two cities based on individual and group interviews with key informants, including political and religious leaders, government officials and residents. it argues that unless peace-building tackles the underlying dynamics of intra-religious conflict, it results in negative peace rather than conflict transformation.

Hindu-Muslim violence occurred in the Indian cities of Mumbai in 1993 and Ahmedabad in 2002. Hindu violence against Muslims has roots in the Partition of India and Pakistan but also, more recently, in the emergence of a Hindu nationalist agenda. This study aimed to develop a better understanding of ...
[ more ]

Hindu-Muslim violence occurred in the Indian cities of Mumbai in 1993 and Ahmedabad in 2002. Hindu violence against Muslims has roots in the Partition of India and Pakistan but also, more recently, in the emergence of a Hindu nationalist agenda. This study aimed to develop a better understanding of the role of religion in violence and its aftermath in India by examining the dynamics and aftermath of the violence, focusing on the roles of the state and Muslim religious organizations in post-conflict resolution, assisting those affected and rebuilding social relations.

Madrasas (Islamic schools and seminaries) have been the focus of reform in most Muslim majority countries during recent decades. Post-September 11, concern has heightened in some countries. Reasons for state intervention vary but the usual explanation points to the modernizing ambitions of the secul...
[ more ]

Madrasas (Islamic schools and seminaries) have been the focus of reform in most Muslim majority countries during recent decades. Post-September 11, concern has heightened in some countries. Reasons for state intervention vary but the usual explanation points to the modernizing ambitions of the secular elite in post-colonial Muslim states who, led by a vision of modernization and nation-building, have aimed to reform religious schools to bring them in line with the demands of modernity. In particular, the reforms have typically sought to introduce secular subjects into the curriculum to enable graduates to compete for jobs in government and the wider economy, pay and train some or all teachers, improve buildings and teaching materials, and, through curriculum reform, create a religious leadership that will propagate a more liberal interpretation of Islam. The State government's engagement with Islamic Schools in Kano, one of the most populous Muslim states of northern Nigeria, has been essentially tolerant of traditional religious authorities. Drawing on interviews with key informants from the state government, Muslim leaders and informed observers, this study examines the aim and content of attempts to reform various types of Muslim primary and secondary education, by encouraging the adoption of curricula containing both secular and religious subjects and providing other types of support. Unlike elsewhere, in Kano, the State government has not intervened in the higher levels of Islamic education.

This paper is the first output from research into faith-based service providers and their relationships with the state. It documents that, despite a shared emphasis on charity and 'helping the other' within the dominant religions in South Asia, the practical manifestation if this ethic has taken a d...
[ more ]

This paper is the first output from research into faith-based service providers and their relationships with the state. It documents that, despite a shared emphasis on charity and 'helping the other' within the dominant religions in South Asia, the practical manifestation if this ethic has taken a distinct form in each religious tradition. The consequence is a complex diversity of faith-based organisations (FBOs) in South Asia. Developing an historical account of the rise of FBOs in South Asia, this paper documents the numerous ways in which the state can affect the working of an FBO. The paper develops these arguments with a focus on changes in the working of FBOs in South Asia in response to colonial rule. The study shows that FBOs that are involved in religious education are more likely than others to attract state attention, as they exert power in the public sphere by promoting a specific vision of the world. In this context, the review notes that madrasas are one form of FBO in South Asia that has attracted state-led reform across India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. It also shows that all religious political parties in South Asia maintain a heavy emphasis on welfare work and often establish independent FBOs as part of their party networks. The madrasas and the welfare wings of the religious political parties are thus identified as two forms of FBO in South Asia that provide interesting opportunities to study the relationships between states and religious groups in the three countries.

There has been a recent surge in demand for Islamic education for young women in Pakistan, which this paper examines and seeks to explain. It suggests that number of female madrasas has grown because they provide an education for young women from middle income families, which responds to many of the...
[ more ]

There has been a recent surge in demand for Islamic education for young women in Pakistan, which this paper examines and seeks to explain. It suggests that number of female madrasas has grown because they provide an education for young women from middle income families, which responds to many of the pressures resulting from economic and cultural change. The paper charts the birth, growing demand for and increasing numbers of female madrasas (Islamic schools) in Pakistan since the 1970s, noting that this reflects both demand from families and a positive response by the Islamic educational establishment. It attributes the recent surge in demand for Islamic education among girls who have already completed a secular education (mostly aged 16+) to the uncertain external environment. Globalization, development processes and wider availability of the mass media (especially cable television) are exposing young women from middle income families to western notions of gender equality and increasing their desire to access good jobs. However, the state has failed to provide educational and employment opportunities to match their aspirations. In addition, the erosive effect of cultural change on values that stress the importance of being a good Muslim, wife, mother and daughter concerns religious teachers, parents and many young women alike.

The first part of this literature review introduces the main concepts and theoretical frameworks underpinning a gender-based approach to development. Mainstream work in the area of 'gender and development' is primarily concerned with issues such as the social differences between men and women, the e...
[ more ]

The first part of this literature review introduces the main concepts and theoretical frameworks underpinning a gender-based approach to development. Mainstream work in the area of 'gender and development' is primarily concerned with issues such as the social differences between men and women, the economic marginalisation of women, or violence against women as a product of gender bias. However, studies in this field have not, on the whole, taken the impact of religious values, beliefs and organisations upon gender relations seriously. 'Gender and development' discourse is typically both materialist and secularist. Religion is often cited as an impediment to women's access to employment, healthcare or education, but the dynamics of this interaction are less often the research focus. It is argued that in the mainstream development literature there is a failure to engage with the ways in which some feminists across the globe seek to transform their traditions as a source of empowerment, as well as a lack of interest in the ways in which religion can inform alternative, sometimes more culturally appropriate, understandings of development. The second part of this review discusses research that is concerned with the impact of religion upon the types of concerns that form the content of gender-development debates.

This review comprises of six essays aimed at the development of an inter-disciplinary framework for understanding religions and development in modern India. It was motivated by the increasing realization amongst social scientists that there is a need to take faith seriously in understanding the comp...
[ more ]

This review comprises of six essays aimed at the development of an inter-disciplinary framework for understanding religions and development in modern India. It was motivated by the increasing realization amongst social scientists that there is a need to take faith seriously in understanding the complexity of discourses of development, as promoted by the imperatives of democratic nation building in post-colonial India. Beginning, in the first chapter, with a contextualisation of the study of religion and development in post-colonial India, the review then moves to provide a discussion of the historical forces that shaped religion in the subcontinent; an analysis of the demographic aspects of religious communities in India; a consideration of the role of Roman-Catholic faith-based organizations (FBOs) in the provision of education; a sociological perspective on religion and development in North-east India; and, finally, an exploration of FBOs at the State level in Bihar.

A central thesis of this paper is that social science is the study of human experience, and hence is strongly conditioned by history. Modern Western political, economic and social structures have emerged as a consequence of the repudiation of religion associated with the Enlightenment and are based ...
[ more ]

A central thesis of this paper is that social science is the study of human experience, and hence is strongly conditioned by history. Modern Western political, economic and social structures have emerged as a consequence of the repudiation of religion associated with the Enlightenment and are based on secular principles. Many of these are inimical to Islamic principles, and cannot be adapted to an Islamic society. Muslim societies achieved freedom from colonial rule in the first half of the twentieth century and have sought to construct institutions in conformity with Islam. The development of Islamic economics is part of this process of transition away from Western colonial institutions. This paper is a survey of the literature on Islamic economics, which focuses on the contrasts between Western economic theories and Islamic approaches to the organization of economic affairs.

Despite apparent commitment to secular political and development models, over the last six decades in India, the presence of religion in the public sphere has expanded. Whilst religious organizations' involvement in welfare and charitable activities has a long history, the objectives of the religion...
[ more ]

Despite apparent commitment to secular political and development models, over the last six decades in India, the presence of religion in the public sphere has expanded. Whilst religious organizations' involvement in welfare and charitable activities has a long history, the objectives of the religion reform movements and faith-based organizations that emerged during the colonial era were to strengthen their respective faith communities, drawing clearer boundaries between them, fighting against perceived 'social evils', and gaining legitimacy vis-a-vis the colonial state. The nationalist struggles and coming of independence significantly changed this social context. After independence, a state-centred development model, whilst it did not displace religious organizations from some of their traditional spheres of operation, deterred further growth in the numbers of FBOs. The new communitarian and religious consciousness that has emerged since the 1980s has, however, resulted in growing numbers of FBOs that participate in the so-called 'secular spheres', including education, health and community development. Little systematic information in available on the extent and characteristics of these organizations and their activities. This preliminary study therefore sought to 'map' the scale and characteristics of FBOs and to provide an overview of their engagement in development activities in contemporary India. Limited resources led to a focus on the cities of Pune and Nagpur in Maharashtra, an Indian state with a large Hindu majority and a number of religious minorities - a typical religious demography. Using a snowball sampling approach, and despite definitional difficulties and the contentious nature of the label 'faith-based' in India, 133 organizations were identified and interviewed. While this is not necessarily a representative sample, it reveals some of the organizations' key characteristics.

This study provides an overview of the sale and scope of Christian and Muslim organizations' development activities in Tanzania. Systematic information on the nature, scale and development activities of FBOs in unavailable. The research in 2008-9 was based on semi-structured interviews with a snowba...
[ more ]

This study provides an overview of the sale and scope of Christian and Muslim organizations' development activities in Tanzania. Systematic information on the nature, scale and development activities of FBOs in unavailable. The research in 2008-9 was based on semi-structured interviews with a snowball sample of key informants from nearly fifty religious and other organisations, but also drew on the limited NGO directories available, a 1993 survey of NGOs in nine districts and other secondary sources. The study reveals a wide variety of organizational arrangements, including faith-based charitable, relief and development organizations that are registered as NGOs or societies, and many development activities carried out by religious organizations (e.g. dioceses) and individual congregations (churches and mosques).

Faith-based organisations (FBOs) play a key role in processes of development in many parts of the world. However, very little systematic research has been conducted on the development or impact of this growing sector. This report is part of the Religions and Development Research Programme's wider in...
[ more ]

Faith-based organisations (FBOs) play a key role in processes of development in many parts of the world. However, very little systematic research has been conducted on the development or impact of this growing sector. This report is part of the Religions and Development Research Programme's wider interest in understanding the impact of FBOs on processes of development, and looks particularly at FBO activities in Pakistan. Drawing on secondary sources, as well as interviews with key informants, the report provides a broad overview of FBOs and their activities in various development-related areas, including education, healthcare, social welfare and the alleviation of poverty.

Why do so many religious political parties have substantial welfare programmes? Is their welfare work merely a means of winning votes or does it serve other purposes? An investigation of the welfare programmes of the Jama'at-i-Islami parties in Pakistan and Bangladesh shows that they provide a wide ...
[ more ]

Why do so many religious political parties have substantial welfare programmes? Is their welfare work merely a means of winning votes or does it serve other purposes? An investigation of the welfare programmes of the Jama'at-i-Islami parties in Pakistan and Bangladesh shows that they provide a wide range of charitable, welfare and service provision activities, including health care and training, education, emergency relief, water supply and orphan support. The claim that political parties are 'membership groups' that compete with other membership groups for citizens' loyalty and resources is borne out by this study. Rather than providing forums for public deliberation on the full range of issues on the public agenda, the religious political parties' emphasis on creating a cadre of ideologically committed members supports the argument that they are driven primarily by their religious ideology. Their engagement in welfare programmes is regarded as critical to their identity as parties and for mobilizing party members; the possibility that welfare provision might win votes is a less important motivation. This study shows that religious political parties are more complex organizations and have more complicated relationships with the state than is recognized by political theorists.

This review provides an overview of important literature on the relationship between religion, politics and development, from the point of view of the political science academic literature. There has, in recent years, been a vigorous interest in political science in examining the relationship betwee...
[ more ]

This review provides an overview of important literature on the relationship between religion, politics and development, from the point of view of the political science academic literature. There has, in recent years, been a vigorous interest in political science in examining the relationship between politics and religion. Surprisingly, perhaps, very little of the current output is focused on developing countries, with attention instead being concentrated on religion and politics in more strategically salient regions - such as the Middle East. This review, however, reflects a more recent trend within development studies to redress this gap. Because the explicitly relevant literature in political science is so scant, we have chosen to pull out threads from within other areas in the discipline. For this purpose, we have provided an overview of literature on democratisation, good governance, human rights, social capital, conflict and drivers of change.

This preliminary literature review aims to produce an overview of the contribution that psychology has made to understanding religion and development. It finds that little of the psychological literature published in English focuses on developing countries or religions outside the Judeo-Christian tr...
[ more ]

This preliminary literature review aims to produce an overview of the contribution that psychology has made to understanding religion and development. It finds that little of the psychological literature published in English focuses on developing countries or religions outside the Judeo-Christian tradition. Nor is there much research that directly links psychology, religion and development. Nevertheless, it is suggested that some of the general psychological literature highlights areas where studies of religion have illuminated some correlations between religious beliefs and practices and various aspects of well-being. The main concepts used in psychological research that have contribute to an understanding of religion are identified as motivation, personality, needs, identity and coping. The paper identifies work on a variety of topics relevant to socio-economic development, broadly defined, especially well-being, happiness and quality of life; physical and mental health; and coping with adverse personal and social circumstances. Other potentially relevant areas include identity and group membership; women's experience of religion; child development; and politics and corruption.

Historically, religion has been one of the areas 'assumed away' by most economists. There has been a general belief in much of economic theory that 'religious beliefs, practices, and behaviour play no role in the life of homo economicus' (Tomes, 1985, p.245), and for the large part, the literature r...
[ more ]

Historically, religion has been one of the areas 'assumed away' by most economists. There has been a general belief in much of economic theory that 'religious beliefs, practices, and behaviour play no role in the life of homo economicus' (Tomes, 1985, p.245), and for the large part, the literature reflects a lack of acknowledgement of religion as anything but an obstacle to economic growth, usually placed in the same basket as 'culture' (Anderson, 1988). The 'resurgence' in religion worldwide, however, has contributed to a renewed interest in religion and economics. The development of Islamic economics has led to new approaches to the development of banking, whilst the resurgence of evangelical Christianity in the US has contributed to a rapid development of 'literature' on religion. This paper provides a literature review and discussion of the emerging field of religion and economics.

This comparative analysis of the relationships between religion, politics and governance in India, Pakistan, Nigeria and Tanzania draws on research undertaken as part of a wider research programme on religions and development. The starting point for these studies was the need to examine the implicat...
[ more ]

This comparative analysis of the relationships between religion, politics and governance in India, Pakistan, Nigeria and Tanzania draws on research undertaken as part of a wider research programme on religions and development. The starting point for these studies was the need to examine the implication of the ‘return of religion’ for ‘good governance’, in particular the extent to which religious actors (religious communities, faith based organizations and religious political parties) help or hinder development, especially with respect to pro-poor policy and practice. Each country study provided a historical evaluation of state-religion relationships since independence and detailed case studies of religious actors that assess contemporary patterns of governance and engagement with politics. The analysis draws on the sociological principle of differentiation between politics and religion, set within the comparative historical context of the post-colonial state. What emerges is the gradual demise of the secular state to a condition today in which there are strong pressures towards conflictual relationships between politics and religion in highly differentiated polities and consensual relationships in integrationist (low differentiated) polities. These pressures, moreover, are reflected in the electoral mobilization of religious identities; state co-option of religious demands; modes of resistance by marginalized groups through ‘religions of revolution’; and, post-9/11, new discourses and policy innovations centred on religious identities. Historically, the ‘crisis of governance’ in these states from the late 1970s onwards played a critical role in undermining the coalition of social and political forces that had underpinned the post-colonial secular state, in the process creating new public spaces for religious actors to occupy.

This study draws on extensive use of secondary sources and case studies of the Nigerian states of Kano, Anambra and Oyo, and demonstrates that relationships between the Nigerian state and religious organizations are often asymmetric and unstable. Whilst both Islam and Christianity in Nigeria provide...
[ more ]

This study draws on extensive use of secondary sources and case studies of the Nigerian states of Kano, Anambra and Oyo, and demonstrates that relationships between the Nigerian state and religious organizations are often asymmetric and unstable. Whilst both Islam and Christianity in Nigeria provide moral frameworks for people and groups to articulate their demands and critiques of the state, they also challenge institutions provided by the state: the Muslim critique of secular law has led to the introduction of Shari'a penal law in twelve states, while Christian demands for a re-privatization of former mission schools currently under state control might reinforce Muslim disadvantage in the educational sector. The ability of religious organizations to participate in politics and governance is strongly related to patterns of inclusion and exclusion based on linguistic, ethnic and regional identity, as well as on intra-Nigerian struggles to limit the political participation of certain groups through the requirement of 'indigeneity' at State level. As a result, and given the close links between ethnicity and religion, religious competition is interwoven with the other rivalries that dominate Nigerian local politics.

This report presents the findings of a study of Islam in Pakistan that aimed at understanding and evaluating the relationships between Muslim organizations and activity in the formulation of development policy. The question at the heart of the inquiry is whether religion can play the role of a drive...
[ more ]

This report presents the findings of a study of Islam in Pakistan that aimed at understanding and evaluating the relationships between Muslim organizations and activity in the formulation of development policy. The question at the heart of the inquiry is whether religion can play the role of a driver for change in terms of pro-poor policy and practice. The study analyses the nature and direction of the latent force and dynamism of the Islamic establishment, especially in its organizational setting, both in government and in opposition. It shows that the state in Pakistan has typically pursued a policy of exploiting the functional uses of Islam as a source of legitimacy in the absence of, or in combination with, a mass mandate. In so doing, it has played on the turf of Islamic groups by seeking to control the production and the spread of the religious message, co-opting the Ulema and managing religious affairs, ranging from levying Islamic taxes to the management of shrines, policies towards madrasas and a role in sectarian conflict. However, it is necessary to go beyond a purely instrumentalist explanation of how religion is used by the state to understand the structural dynamics of Islam as a constant, pervasive and intense force that includes, but at the same time transcends, the manipulations of the ruling elite.

This review attempts to provide a background to studies on the position of religions in Tanzania and their contributions to development efforts. Traditionally, the role of religion in development has been viewed as both important and non-problematic. The colonial state generally regarded Christianit...
[ more ]

This review attempts to provide a background to studies on the position of religions in Tanzania and their contributions to development efforts. Traditionally, the role of religion in development has been viewed as both important and non-problematic. The colonial state generally regarded Christianity, and to a lesser extent Islam, as allies in the modernization process: after all, religious groups provided important services, such as education and health, and pacified colonial subjects by urging them to seek spiritual and material self improvement. The post-colonial state also supported religious organizations: it saw them as development partners that silently provided services to citizens, especially in areas the state was unable to reach. More recently, however, tensions have surfaced between the state and religious groups in Tanzania. In this introduction I identify some key aspects of recent relationships between the Tanzanian state and faith traditions in the country.

The constitutional framework that structures the relationships between religion and politics in India reveals how the democratic and liberal concern for equal treatment and liberty for all has been pursued, along with a deep commitment to recognizing and protecting religious and cultural diversity. ...
[ more ]

The constitutional framework that structures the relationships between religion and politics in India reveals how the democratic and liberal concern for equal treatment and liberty for all has been pursued, along with a deep commitment to recognizing and protecting religious and cultural diversity. This paper emphasises the distinctiveness of the Indian conception of secularism. Experience of the working of Indian democracy over the last six decades reveals that competitive electoral politics compels parties to woo people from different communities. Even when a religious community has an organized religious political party that claims to speak on its behalf, not all sections of the community align themselves with that party. Other axes of identity, such as caste, divide religious communities. The spaces opened by democratic politics and the dynamics it creates need, therefore, to be factored into any discussion of religion and politics. Relationships between religion, politics and governance are further examined through case studies from the states of Punjab and Maharashtra of political mobilizations by marginalized groups within three religious communities: Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs. Each of these mobilizations involves a cluster of castes and occupational groups in a region. They highlight the different ways in which religion and caste intersect and are implicated in the political process.

In countries where religion plays a central role in people's lives, it is expected that many people, including public servants, will derive their moral and ethical values from their religion. Religion provides many with a language of ethics and, often, an actual 'list' of rules by which to live, som...
[ more ]

In countries where religion plays a central role in people's lives, it is expected that many people, including public servants, will derive their moral and ethical values from their religion. Religion provides many with a language of ethics and, often, an actual 'list' of rules by which to live, some of which may be relevant to fighting corruption. Problematically, however, many of the world's most corrupt countries also rank highly in terms of levels of religiosity, suggesting that the relationships between widespread religious adherence and levels of corruption are not straightforward. Attempts to reduce corruption have had limited success, leading to a renewed interest in the role hat religious values might play in future initiatives. This study assembles a picture of people's religious beliefs, values, perceptions of corruption, and notions of tradition and modernity, based on extensive semi-structured interviews in several locations across India.

Religious forces that attempt to gain political power may establish political parties, often leading to conflicts in states based on secular principles, such as India. Some of the main religious political parties in South Asia are also engaged in the provision of welfare services. Their reasons for ...
[ more ]

Religious forces that attempt to gain political power may establish political parties, often leading to conflicts in states based on secular principles, such as India. Some of the main religious political parties in South Asia are also engaged in the provision of welfare services. Their reasons for doing so are often suspect, although evidence on their motives and strategies is scarce. As part of a larger study of the welfare wings of religious political parties, this research examined the Indian context. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which as head of a coalition has held power at the national level and by itself in several states, is not a religious political party as such. However, it has strong historical and ideological bonds with the self-proclaimed 'social organization', the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS), which pursues a 'Hindutva' agenda and has established a large network of affiliates, many involved in social welfare activities. Based on existing sources and extensive interviews with key informants in Madhya Pradesh, where the BJP was in power at the time of the study, and Uttar Pradesh, where it had been ousted some years previously, this study seek to understand why the BJP and RSS have a compelling need for each other and to what extent the BJP, as the political offspring of the RSS, is influenced by it. In addition, it examines the relationship between the BJP and Vidya Bharati Akhil Bharatiya Shiksha Sansthan (VBABSS), the educational affiliate of RSS, in order to obtain a better insight into the BJP's role in furthering RSS's 'Hindutva' agenda.

This literature review will begin with a section on method and theory in religious studies. Although the Religions and Development research programme is concerned with the intersection between religion and development, it has not been conceived as a 'religious studies' project per-se. However, the d...
[ more ]

This literature review will begin with a section on method and theory in religious studies. Although the Religions and Development research programme is concerned with the intersection between religion and development, it has not been conceived as a 'religious studies' project per-se. However, the debates around method and theory that have occurred within the discipline do offer useful insights into the issues that arise when deciding how to study people's religious beliefs and practices. While religious studies scholars employ many of the same methodological and analytical tools as scholars in other disciplines, an important focus within method and theory discussions has been the viability of religious studies as a separate discipline. The contours of this discussion are of interest to this programme because they address the key issue of what it is to study 'religion' as a non-believer or outsider. The first part of this paper therefore provides a discussion of the broader theoretical and epistemological concerns of research religion, and the consequences for various interdisciplinary approaches. In the second part of the paper, we turn to look at some of the ways in which religious studies scholars have investigated the influence of religious values and organisations upon social, economic and political change in developing countries. In addition, the main focus of this review will be on regions of specific interest to the RaD programme, namely sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia.

The aim of the following literature review is to discuss key theoretical debates within the sociology of religion regarding definitions of religion, the role of religion in society and the future of religion. These issues have occupied sociologists of religion since the nineteenth century and are al...
[ more ]

The aim of the following literature review is to discuss key theoretical debates within the sociology of religion regarding definitions of religion, the role of religion in society and the future of religion. These issues have occupied sociologists of religion since the nineteenth century and are also relevant to our current task of examining the relationship between religion and development. Also considered is the extent to which the debates that have emerged reflect a western context or if they provide theoretical models that are useful to understanding religion and its transformations globally. A second aim will be to discuss research within sociology that is relevant to the theme of religion and development. As there is considerable overlap here with other disciplines this review will focus upon several areas that have not been covered in other reviews - namely the issue of 'religions/spiritual capital and social capital' and, also, with 'civil society and social movements'.

Locally owned Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSPs) processes are now well established in many countries. They provide greater opportunities for wider participation than traditional approaches to policy making and have to some extent been adapted to local circumstances and integrated with nationa...
[ more ]

Locally owned Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSPs) processes are now well established in many countries. They provide greater opportunities for wider participation than traditional approaches to policy making and have to some extent been adapted to local circumstances and integrated with national planning and resource allocation processes. Despite a number of concerns, in a number of countries the ongoing process of PRSP monitoring and review has widened the political space for deliberation and the scope of poor people (or civil society organizations that purport to represent their views) to influence policy and resource allocation. However, despite their organizational strength, legitimacy and grassroots membership, religious organizations in Tanzania and Nigeria have been little involved in such policy consultation processes.Drawing on a number of interviews with various religious and civil society respondents this paper explores the reasons for such neglect. It moves then to detail findings from a number of pilot projects carried out by the RaD programme with networks of religious organizations in Nigeria and Tanzania.

Madrasas in India appear to be caught between the need to maintain their identity as centres of Islamic studies and culture and to remain relevant to the present-day needs of the communities they serve. This research focuses on the relationships between madrasas and the state, as the former attempt ...
[ more ]

Madrasas in India appear to be caught between the need to maintain their identity as centres of Islamic studies and culture and to remain relevant to the present-day needs of the communities they serve. This research focuses on the relationships between madrasas and the state, as the former attempt to negotiate between these competing pressures and the latter seeks to support and 'modernize' them. It throws light on the motives and strategies of madrasas and their associations, the central government and two State governments (Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal), and assesses selected aspects of madrasa modernization.

In Tanzania, a 'civil society sector' with roles in governance and development is a recent, largely externally-driven phenomenon superimposed on previously existing social and religious organization. Civil society organizations (CSOs) are imagined to be 'close to the poor' and therefore better at im...
[ more ]

In Tanzania, a 'civil society sector' with roles in governance and development is a recent, largely externally-driven phenomenon superimposed on previously existing social and religious organization. Civil society organizations (CSOs) are imagined to be 'close to the poor' and therefore better at implementing 'development' activities and playing a role in democratization. This study examined the position and role of religious organizations within a wider range of CSOs at the local level in two rural districts (Magu, prosperous, largely Christian, and Newala, remote, poor, largely Muslim), to assess whether faith-based organizations play a significant and distinctive role in development.

The field of anthropology is concerned with the ways in which people perceive their identity and the world around them. This Working Paper strives to complement and enrich the Religions and Development Programme at the University of Birmingham by describing, in the first instance, the methods by whi...
[ more ]

The field of anthropology is concerned with the ways in which people perceive their identity and the world around them. This Working Paper strives to complement and enrich the Religions and Development Programme at the University of Birmingham by describing, in the first instance, the methods by which anthropologists approach their work, and in the second, by providing an overview and analysis of ethnographic research carried out on religion. This research mainly focuses on understanding how religions beliefs and values impact on people's lives in terms of structuring their identities, actions and wider social and cultural systems. A final concern of this paper is a description of research that has attempted to turn the lens back on to development work itself - examining the anthropology of religion and development through, for example, the work of faith-based NGOs.

This literature review explores the relationships between religious teachings, values, beliefs and concepts of development. It is intended to provide background for empirical research that is exploring the relationships between religious teachings, values and beliefs and people's understanding of se...
[ more ]

This literature review explores the relationships between religious teachings, values, beliefs and concepts of development. It is intended to provide background for empirical research that is exploring the relationships between religious teachings, values and beliefs and people's understanding of selected concepts related to development. The review and the subsequent research aims to provide insights into how and to what extent religious values shape people's perspectives on ideas and practices that are commonly regarded as central to 'development'.

'Faith-based organizations'(FBOs) are gaining increasing attention in development circles amongst practitioners, funders and policy-makers, as well as academics. There has been some discussion of the meaning of the term 'FBO' in academic circles, but little empirical research has been conducted on h...
[ more ]

'Faith-based organizations'(FBOs) are gaining increasing attention in development circles amongst practitioners, funders and policy-makers, as well as academics. There has been some discussion of the meaning of the term 'FBO' in academic circles, but little empirical research has been conducted on how the term is defined in different contexts. In addition, especially in developing countries, there is little research on what kinds of FBOs actually exist, and how they approach and either contribute to or hinder processes of development. Futhermore, little is known about how, if at all, these organizations differ from 'secular' non-governmental organizations (NGOs). This report explores how 'faith-based organizations' are understood and operate in the Pakistani context, with a focus on Karachi and Sindh.

This study examined protracted inter-religious conflict in Nigeria, focusing on recent violent episodes and their aftermath. Because much of the violence has been urban and because the violence itself and subsequent recovery and reconstruction are strongly influenced by contextual factors, the resea...
[ more ]

This study examined protracted inter-religious conflict in Nigeria, focusing on recent violent episodes and their aftermath. Because much of the violence has been urban and because the violence itself and subsequent recovery and reconstruction are strongly influenced by contextual factors, the research was conducted in two cities: Kano in northern, predominantly Muslim Kano state (1999 and 2004), and Jos, the capital of Plateau State, in the religiously mixed Middle Belt (2001 and 2008). Hostility between Christians and Muslims in Nigeria has deep historical roots and is linked to politics characterized by struggles between the northern and southern states over access to federal power and resources, inequalities in access to opportunities and different views about legal regimes. Over the last thirty years, the frequency of violence with a religious dimension appears to have increased. It pits Muslims against Christians and Islamic sects against each other. The study used secondary sources, including the media, semi-structured interviews with a wide range of informants and focus group discussions to ascertain the role of religion in the causes, triggers and consequences of the violence.

Contemporary ideas about religion and its role in Indian society are rooted in the county's pre-colonial history, the interpretations and actions of the colonial government, and the post-colonial evolution of Indian society and the state. Most academic attention within India has generally focussed o...
[ more ]

Contemporary ideas about religion and its role in Indian society are rooted in the county's pre-colonial history, the interpretations and actions of the colonial government, and the post-colonial evolution of Indian society and the state. Most academic attention within India has generally focussed on its role in generating conflict and underpinning societal divisions. Religion has also been seen as an impediment to modernization and an obstacle to the formation of a secular state. The pursuit of secularism in the political sphere fails to recognize that the vast majority of people in South Asia are active practitioners of a religion and that the religious traditions with which they are affiliated encompass the entirety of their lives and are a key source of values and meanings, with the result that for them the public and private spheres are intertwined. This review was undertaken in preparation for a study of how well-being is understood by poor people associated with different religions in India, the roles religion plays in their conceptions of well-being, the resources on which well-being depends and the processes by which it is increased or undermined. The review conceptualizes religion as a source of identity, community and values but notes that the existing literature does not make the links between religion and well-being explicit.

There are growing calls for religion to be used in the fight against corruption, based on the assumption that religious people are more concerned with ethics than the non-religious, despite the fact that many of the most corrupt countries in the world also rank highly in terms of religiosity. This p...
[ more ]

There are growing calls for religion to be used in the fight against corruption, based on the assumption that religious people are more concerned with ethics than the non-religious, despite the fact that many of the most corrupt countries in the world also rank highly in terms of religiosity. This paper explores how the new ‘myth’ about the relationship between religion and corruption is based on assumptions not borne out through the evidence. The paper then examines whether a discursive relationship exists instead, and what the significance of such a relationship might be. Based on a review of several studies of the statistical relationships between religion and corruption, the paper concludes that the evidence for a causal relationship between religion (or type of religion) and either higher or lower levels of corruption is in no way convincing. The methodologies that have been employed thus far are insufficient for proving – one way or another – a causal relationship. This literature is largely quantitative, with a dearth of empirical, fieldwork-based evidence. The results are often contradictory, depending upon which dataset has been used, which raises important methodological issues. The literature is tentative at best, offering comparisons between various datasets and pointing towards possible explanations, sometimes rooted in theory, sometimes not. The data used are often flawed, making the explanations that are advanced problematic. The data are aggregated at the country level; they do not reveal intra-country variations and cannot tell us anything about how individuals’ attitudes towards corruption are formed, the impact of religious (and other socio-cultural influences) on attitude formation, or the ways that individuals condemn or justify corrupt behaviour using the language of religion.